In 2022–2025, numerous amendments were adopted to Russian migration legislation. Among them are: a reduction in the length of stay for visa-exempt foreigners; the introduction of a deportation regime; a ban on allowing foreign citizens and stateless persons who pose a potential threat to national security to cross the border; the introduction of mandatory Russian language proficiency testing and the requirement to present documents proving legal residence in the Russian Federation when enrolling children of foreign citizens and stateless persons in school; simplified acquisition of Russian citizenship for foreigners who have entered into contracts with the Russian Armed Forces and other Russian military formations; and a ban on the deportation and readmission of such foreigners. All these measures have had a significant impact on the migration regime and the processes of integrating foreign citizens into the host society. This article is devoted to the consequences of the aforementioned legislative innovations in the field of integration.

   The article examines labor migration from Central Asian countries to Russia as part of a broader system of Russia’s interaction with the region. It shows that labor migration remains an important resource for the Russian labor market; however, a one-sided reliance on the physical attraction of labor is accompanied by growing social, legal, and integration-related costs. The strategic vulnerability lies not in migration as such, but in its transformation into an almost exclusive mechanism linking Russia with the countries of origin of migrant workers.

   The article substantiates the need to move toward a combined model that preserves the managed admission of migrants while simultaneously expanding Russia’s economic presence in Central Asia. The key elements of this model include organized recruitment, pre-departure training, vocational education, joint ventures, industrial cooperation, and investment projects.

   The article concludes that a combined approach can improve the manageability of migration processes and strengthen Russia’s position in the region.

   The article develops a comprehensive methodological framework for analyzing regional demographic policy. An integrative model is proposed that combines risk typology, factor analysis, and a determinant approach to bridge the gap between theoretical concepts and practical management of demographic development at the subnational level.

   The article analyzes the mechanisms of reproduction of the sustainability of the Moscow urban political regime in 2010–2021. The research is based on the political regime methodological framework and the theory of urban political regimes and examines sustainability through three criteria: reproducibility of the coalition configuration of power, manageability of the urban agenda and control of the ruling coalition over key resources. Based on the Moscow case, it is shown that the stability of the urban political regime was ensured by a combination of a mayoral-centred coalition, controlled channels of participation, depoliticization of conflicts and high resource concentration.

   It is concluded that the Moscow city political regime maintained a high level of stability during the period under study, despite some crisis episodes.

   The article examines digital dialogue between the state and society as a mechanism for shaping public support in contemporary Russia. It argues that digitalization has transformed the model of state communication by increasing the role of internet platforms, social networks, and messengers in transmitting and interpreting the political agenda.

   Special attention is paid to young people as a strategic audience of digital interaction.

   The article identifies informational-explanatory, semantic, engaging, personalized, and protective-competitive mechanisms for shaping public support. It also defines the key problems of digital dialogue and directions for its improvement.

   The article examines the integration of the political potential of participants in the Special Military Operation into the system of state power of the Russian Federation. It argues that this social group possesses significant personnel potential based on public authority, experience in decision-making under difficult conditions, discipline, teamwork, and a strong motivation to serve the state. Drawing on an analysis of the federal program «Time of Heroes», the regional program «HEROES62», VCIOM survey data, and semi-structured interviews with program participants, the article identifies the mechanisms, opportunities, and risks of their inclusion in public administration.

   The article concludes that the effectiveness of this integration depends on a combination of professional training, mentoring, transparent competency assessment, and long-term support for career trajectories.

   The article concludes a series of studies on the differentiation of the standard of living of the Russian population in the context of threats to economic security.

   The focus is on the real monetary incomes of the population, the level of poverty, the decile coefficient, the Gini coefficient, as well as the ratio of per capita income and the minimum subsistence level.

   This part of the cycle examines the threats caused by the high differentiation of the standard of living of the population in Russia, as well as measures to increase the level of economic security in the social sphere. The article provides basic recommendations for public policy based on the research conducted in this article and the three preceding parts.

   The article analyzes the semantic justification of war in Russian religious-philosophical thought and propaganda materials of the First World War period. The source base of the study consists of philosophical and journalistic texts by S. N. Bulgakov and S. L. Frank, letters by D. A. Khilkov, and leaflets from the collections of the State Archive of the Russian Federation. The article shows that, in mass wartime propaganda, philosophical and religious interpretations of war were translated into a system of simpler mobilizing images: the defense of faith and the Fatherland, the fulfillment of military duty, opposition to injustice, and the exposure of the enemy’s cruelty. Drawing on leaflets from 1911–1917, the article reveals the main ways in which the meaning of war and the image of the enemy were constructed, including appeals to Orthodox tradition, historical memory, the idea of Slavic solidarity, and the representation of war as a moral trial.

   Special attention is paid to the problem of enemy dehumanization as a stable element of wartime propaganda.

   The author concludes that the experience of the First World War remains relevant for the analysis of modern armed conflicts, since it makes it possible to identify the continuity of mechanisms used to legitimize war and to raise the question of the limits of political ethics, international legal regulation, and a humanistic attitude toward the enemy.

   Daniil Galitsky was a key historical figure in the development of the Russian principalities in the XII–XIII centuries. The great-grandson of Yaroslav the Wise, a close relative of Yaroslav Vsevolodovich and Alexander Nevsky, his choice of the title “king of Russia”, proposed by the Pope, is still the most discussed issue in Russian historiography. In the article, the authors analyze whether Daniil Romanovich’s decision was driven by personal ambition or political expediency.

   The article discusses the formation of church and political ideology during the Russian Middle Ages, and the influence of the Byzantine heritage on this process in the Russian state.

   The emphasis is placed on the differentiation of the concepts of “Byzantine civilization” and “Byzantine Empire”, in which the first concept refers to the socio-cultural sphere, the second – to the political.

   Special attention is paid to the problem of borrowing the imperial principle of universalism from Byzantium and its subsequent implementation in the Russian state.

   The period 1953–1964 represents a unique period in Russian history, characterized by radical sociopolitical transformations and a search for new paradigms of social development. The era of the so-called Khrushchev “thaw” marked a turning point not only in the political sphere but also in cultural development. With the democratization of public life, club institutions acquired particular significance as centers for the cultural education of citizens. This paper identifies three key areas of club activity: lecture propaganda, entertainment events, and the organization of amateur performances. Club activities were characterized by a duality: on the one hand, strengthening administrative control, on the other, activating proactive forms of cultural creativity, which contributed to the formation of a unique sociocultural space in Soviet society.

   The article analyzes the evolution of legal regulation concerning the recognition and legalization of educational documents of citizens of the Russian Federation who were formerly citizens of Ukraine in 2014–2025. It is shown that, initially, exemption from the legalization requirement was linked to the territory of previous residence and a special procedure for acquiring Russian citizenship, which created differences in the legal status of certain categories of Russian citizens.

   Special attention is paid to the amendments introduced by Federal Law No. 493-FZ of December 28, 2025, which marked a transition to a more universal regulatory model.

    The article concludes that these changes are significant for the realization of the right to work and for ensuring equality of citizens.